@ISIDEWITHPregunteseconomiaComençat Fa 11 anysActiu Fa 1 any

Hauria d’haver menys o més restriccions a les prestacions socials actuals?

El 2011, el nivell de despesa pública en l’estat de benestar pel Govern britànic va representar 113,1 £ mil milions, o el 16% del govern. El 2020 la despesa social s’elevarà a 1/3 de tota la despesa el que és la despesa més gran seguit d’ajuda a l’habitatge, la prestació fiscal municipal, els beneficis per als aturats, i els beneficis per a les persones amb baixos ingressos.

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Answer Overview

Response rates from 3k ciutadans voters.

35%
Menys
60%
Més
22%
Menys
37%
Més
12%
Menys, i assegurar els beneficis van als que més ho necessiten
9%
Més, reformar el sistema perquè es complementa, més que substitueix, una renda de treball
1%
Menys, els beneficis actuals no proporcionen suficient suport
7%
Més, sinó augmentar els beneficis per als ancians i discapacitats
6%
Més, i negar beneficis als immigrants
2%
Més, beneficis actuals han de ser tapats

Historical Support

Trend of support over time for each answer from 3k ciutadans voters.

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Importància Històrica

Trend of how important this issue is for 3k ciutadans voters.

Chart
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The chart has 1 X axis displaying values. Range: to .
The chart has 2 Y axes displaying values and values.
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Altres Respostes Populars

Unique answers from ciutadans voters whose views went beyond the provided options.

 @9HWZ9Y5respon…1 any1Y

reformar el sistema porque se complementa, más que sustituye, una renta de trabajo. Además de asegurar los beneficios vayan a los que más lo necesitan

Últimes Notícies

Estigueu al dia dels articles de notícies més recents “Benestar” , actualitzats amb freqüència.

 @ISIDEWITH enviat…3mos3MO

German Economy Nears Collapse As Election Nears

Presenting the CDU/CSU’s manifesto on Tuesday. Merz said he would make savings of €100bn by reducing spending on migration and welfare. He also promised tax cuts and lower electricity prices to kick-start the economy, stuck in its first two-year contraction since the early 2000s. Meanwhile, the SPD and Greens pledged to reform Germany’s “debt brake”, its constitutional cap on new borrowing, saying the country needed to invest billions of euros in its ramshackle infrastructure and the green transition.Meanwhile, the SPD and Greens pledged to reform Germany’s “debt brake”, its constitutional cap on new borrowing, saying the country needed to invest billions of euros in its ramshackle infrastructure and the green transition. Some observers worry Scholz’s televised intervention could end up setting the tone for the rest of the contest. Even the Greens, his allies in government, expressed disapproval. “One is sometimes surprised by his choice of words,” said Franziska Brantner, the Greens co-leader. Germany is not used to rambunctious, no-holds-barred elections. Under Scholz’s predecessor Angela Merkel, who governed Germany from 2005-2021, campaigns were soporific affairs, lacking the cut and thrust and spectacle often seen in US contests. But Merz is an altogether different politician. Critics routinely describe him as irascible and touchy, given to intemperate outbursts that delight his fans but can put off more moderate voters. But even his detractors admit his powerful oratory can get under Scholz’s skin. Scholz, too, has changed his tone. As chancellor of a fragile, three-party coalition made up of SPD, Greens and the liberal Free Democrats, he cultivated a decidedly restrained, taciturn style. But that changed in November when he sacked his liberal finance minister, Christian Lindner, triggering the break-up of the coalition after just three years. He has since become a lot more combative. In the vote of confidence debate he accused the liberals of “sabotaging the work of the government” and Lindner of lacking the “necessary moral maturity” required to govern.